KNO Spokesperson interviewe.d by Lamhil

"KNO fully appreciates our customs and traditions… However, whilst in letter practices of custom and culture do not form KNO's political ideology, in spirit it is integral." ~
Dr Seilen Haokip, Spokesperson Kuki National Organisation (KNO)
- Lamhil Staff

Recently, Lamhil team contacted the KNO leader for an interview via email. He had then gladly assented to our request. After some back and forth communication between us, we are proud to present to you an exclusive interview with home below:

Lamhil:  The recent incident in Chassad has left many outraged and indignant. In such instance, what is the position of KNO on the issue?

Dr Seilen Haokip: The village Chassad was burnt by a mob from its neighbouring villages in Kamjong district. A neighbouring village, Sampui had contested ownership of Chassad for a while. Failing to achieve its objective, the village engaged NSCN-IM, by offering space in the contested area for 'Officer's quarters' to be constructed. This strategy proved futile, too. (Suggestion: please include order issued by Shaw, SDO in 1945 (?))
The Chassad incident needs to be viewed from a broader background, i.e.
a) KNO's near-concluding talks with GoI;
b) NSCN-IM's 'framework agreement' with GoI, which according to media reports has hit a major standstill; and
c) GPRN settlement (waiting to be signed) with Government that concerns only Nagas of Nagaland, on the principle of coexistence.
Consider NSCN-IM's modus operandi of rallying support of Non-Kukis from the recent past, i.e. pogrom against Kukis from 1992, which lasted until 1997, when they signed 'ceasefire' with GoI. Chassad was a target they wanted to ignite to unite against a 'common enemy', against, for example, the mounting odds of Zalienrong Kabui people declaring they are not Naga. The scenario suggests NSCN-IM settlement would be confined to Ukhrul and Senapati, which leaves them disenchanted and desperate. In a nutshell, KNO avoided NSCN-IM's 'trap', especially at the instance of Government's appeal and assurance that Chassad would be fully rehabilitated and contestation against its land ownership be firmly settled, based on Patta, legal ownership rights.

Video clips of Chassad being razed show amongst the raring mob the preacher turned 'renegade', besides the NSCN-IM town commander in civil dress.

Lamhil: About the Anglo-Kuki Centenary War Celebration.… and the monumental Monolith… When could the legitimate opening of the stone be able take place?

Dr Seilen Haokip: I am told Kuki Inpi Manipur and the Anglo-Kuki Centenary War Celebration Committee are in consultation with the state Government for its final deliberations, perhaps, following completion of lockdown period.

Lamhil: Can you explain to our readers, in details, the political shift KNO took from demand of Statehood to Territorial Council (TC)?

Dr Seilen Haokip: KNO not being a secessionist organization, seeks political settlement within the Constitutional framework. Demand for statehood is the best Constitutional provision and our democratic right. The other Kuki umbrella organisation, UPF, preferred, initially, a 'Tribal State'. Following GoI and NSCN-IM 'framework agreement', 'Tribal State' was no longer an option and the two umbrella organisations arrived at the common platform for statehood. However, perhaps akin to GPRN position of settlement on principles of coexistence, KNO and UPF followed prudence of coexistence with our time immemorial neighbour, the Meitei people, and Kuki Territorial Council within Manipur was preferred.

Lamhil: Forty-two odd groups (correct me if I'm wrong on the number) came under two umbrella organisations, i.e. UPF and KNO. Further, will we ever see these two becoming one?

Dr Seilen Haokip: KNO and UPF are one-in-two or two-in-one! Provisions for our TC is pre-eminent, not status of one or two.

Lamhil: The political movement of KNO can be described as solely political in nature. So, amidst your political battle, can you also include Economy and Education as fundamental in your struggle? Right now, due to poor management of the two, the Kuki community seem to be lagging behind their neighbours almost in every respect.

Dr Seilen Haokip: Political settlement and stability is the bedrock for all-round development, which primarily includes education and economy.

Lamhil: In retrospect, do you think Kuki Nampi Maicham was a success? If yes, today, what are the visible success on the ground?

Dr Seilen Haokip: Kuki Nampi Maicham celebrates the Kuki nation. Maicham is an expression of thanksgiving, a prayer, a dedication to God. How does one measure success with God?

Lamhil: Let me rephrase that. The political 'success' of KNO was supposed to be measured by our "Upa" accepting our "Sating-Salung". But, the reality of our "Upa" conduct at the time and today cannot be any more inconsistent. Or, is my understanding inaccurate?

Dr Seilen Haokip: Upa, Sating-Salung was a long-cherished personal aspiration and endeavour of PS Haokip, president KNO that came to fruition in 2010. KNO fully appreciates our customs and traditions. It is important to get our house in order, especially as professing Christians, '…a house divided against itself will fall', Luke 11:17). However, whilst in letter practices of custom and culture do not form KNO's political ideology, in spirit it is integral. In the same vein, Upa's conduct cannot be judged on political matters; the event of Sating-Salung is cultural.

Lamhil: "Manmasseh chate ihiuve"... Seeing KNO as chief proponent of this theory, will this become a strategic blunder in the long haul? I mean, there are some unavoidable questions raised by your political opponents on Manmasseh (Manmasi) and the issue of Indigeneity. It seems to be contradictory!

Dr Seilen Haokip: "Manmassehchate ihiuve" is an exclamation that precedes the existence of KNO. Manmasi is based on Kuki folklore, culture and traditional belief. KNO shares this deep-rooted belief. Those who oppose Manmasi oppose our traditional folklore??

Lamhil: That hasn't been refuted by none, at least not in our society, as far as I read. However, the question of indigeneity still remains to be answered!?

Dr Seilen Haokip: Kuki people are indigenes of Manipur. Two millennia-old Pooyas of the Meitei people, the only source written in the original script available of the region, has Kuki on record. BC 70 is said to be the year when King of Assyria took Israelites captive. Manasseh is supposed to be amongst the captives taken to China and engaged in labour, constructing the Great Wall. Escape from forced labour and millennial migration then dates Kuki to AD 33 in Manipur. A single millennium more than qualifies for indigeneity; Kukis are two millennia old in Manipur.

Lamhil: Some might say you are the S Jaisankar (India's foreign Minister) of KNO, as you are a reputed scholar on your own right who'd later joined an "armed group of the Kuki people." As a scholar, you might have had developed your own view on nationalism. Therefore, there must be some compromises along the way with yours and that of your incumbent. Tell us your view on the foundational idea of your nationalism?

Dr Seilen Haokip: It is not fair to make comparison with eminences like Jaisankar. Scholarly work re Kuki nationalism was theory, which I figured was my small contribution. However, as the renowned sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu said, 'theory without practice is empty; practice without theory is blind.' Therefore, in my own right I have tried to do my bit re the practical aspect of nationalism by being the spokesperson and negotiator for Kuki National Organisation.
There is no compromise as such between theory and practice, just what is practical and what, not; notwithstanding the fact that every effort ought to be applied to balance the two.

In my view, the fundamental base of Kuki nationalism is its history and noble antecedents. Kuki is a generic term associated with an ethnic people spread out in present-day Chittagong Hill Tracts, NE India and NW Myanmar. Over the years, each of these regions have adopted alternative nomenclature, the socio-political factors for which is subject of in-depth scholarly work. Given the existing circumstance, the predominant group or the last bastion of the identity Kuki appears confined to Manipur, and so necessarily, where it must be focussed.

The ideological foundation for Kuki nationalism is articulated in 'Zale-n'-gam, The Kuki Nation' (PS Haokip, 1988 and The World of Kuki People, 2019?). A nation refers to a people; with respect to Manipur, who constitutes the people is listed on the basis of ethnicity and history, not current socio-politically influenced segmented tribe identities of the Constitution Tribe Modification Order, 1956. However, whilst history cannot be changed, factors contributing to changes effecting segmentation or more aptly, and painfully, fragmentation, needs to be accepted if unity is to be restored. Redressal and unity building are two sides of the same coin. Bishop Tutu would not have made headway in reconciling apartheid riven South Africa had he ignored the importance of truth.
In short, concerning Kuki, too, ignoring the truth of deep-rooted clan chauvinism as well as the aggrieved party's conscious leaning on the past, which are respectively factors of fragmentation, will prove counterproductive. A soothing balm of 'truth and reconciliation' are essential ingredients to heal and restore unity. In Christian parlance, 'forgive, as we are forgiven': there is no alternative to redeeming of the Kuki people.

*LAMHIL is a monthly magazine of the Kuki Students' Organisation (KSO),  Delhi.

Source: via Social Media (2020-07-03)

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